Malaysia is one of Asia's biggest employers of foreign labour. But recently, cases of deaths, abuse and forced labour have come to light. What is going on? Who is protecting these migrant workers?
Globally, the increase in women’s overall share of the labour force has
been particularly marked in export-oriented sectors, where women comprise as
much as three-quarters of the workforce.
<p>Indeed, globalisation in the form of transformation of production patterns,
accelerated technology innovation and macroeconomic policies, including structural
adjustment and privatisation, continue to present both opportunities and challenges
for women. </p>
<p>While the overall economic position of women has improved over the years through
increased access to education, employment and reduction in poverty levels, they,
together with the poor, are the most vulnerable to the effects of external shocks
in the form of commodity price collapse and changes in the terms of trade, economic
recession, and adjustment policies adopted in response to these changes.</p>
<p> This vulnerability may be due to their overwhelming representation in the
policy area concerned, or where they play a critical producer, consumer or reproductive
role. </p>
<p>In Malaysia, however, in spite of the importance of these effects, there was
a surprising lack of concern for women issues in economic policy-making in Malaysia,
although the overall level of rhetoric and apparent activity had been high.
</p>
<p>Much of the economic policy had almost always been concerned with distributional
issues along ethnic lines and socio-economic groups, rather than on gender-specific
terms. </p>
<p>There is no clearer evidence of this other than the dearth of data on women
in official statistical production and analysis. Most of the data like those
pertaining to economic activities and ownership of business enterprises are
not differentiated by sex. </p>
<p>This is especially acute in areas pertaining to female involvement in the development
process, female participation in the business sector, political arena and the
informal sector. Without this basic data, it is not surprising that time-series
data sensitive enough to pick out the real impact of structural adjustments
in the economy on women are hard to find. </p>
<p>Such longitudinal data must cover a long enough period to be meaningfully analysed,
thus separating the effects of structural adjustment policies from development
change. </p>
<p>Where the data are sex-specific, a host of other problems emerge. The classifications
of the groups may be too general to make the analysis meaningful. </p>
<p>For example, some of the occupational categories are so broad that even though
they are sex differentiated, only limited analysis can be done. Where time series
data have been available, they are often of too short a period to meaningfully
indicate a trend. </p>
<p>Also, in the use of time series data, a recurrent problem has been the changing
of classifications, making comparisons extremely difficult, if not totally inappropriate.
</p>
<p>Clearly, there is a need for gender-specific data to be collected, compiled
and analysed more assiduously by the statistical authorities. One crucial area
is women in poverty groups. While data concerning women among the poor are not
available, it is safe to infer, since poverty is mainly a household phenomenon,
that women will be well represented among the poverty groups. </p>
<p>Poverty, though vastly improved, is still a problem, affecting some 5.7% of
total households in Malaysia in 2004. Women among the rural poor are usually
adversely affected by falling commodity prices, and along with those in urban
areas, doubly from cutbacks in Government expenditure and transfers such as
expenditure subsidies and income maintenance schemes. </p>
<p>Special attention should also be given to those women in the factories. In
particular, issues of labour education, women in the union movement and the
problem of marginalisation of women workers on the shop floor as a result of
technology conversion, adds a new dimension of discrimination against women
in the labour market. </p>
<p>There is a tendency for sex selectivity which is biased against the increased
participation of women in training schemes which aggravates the labour-shedding
practices due to technology upgrading, as well as possible displacement due
to office automation, that is already apparent in some firms and industries.
</p>
<p>It is, therefore, crucial that labour unions and women’s groups be galvanised
into an effective lobby for incorporating more gender-sensitive policies and
programmes to resolve women’s problems in training and retraining schemes
as well as in wage compensation and benefits. </p>
<p>Women are often strongly represented as agricultural and home-based workers.
The direct impact of agricultural modernisation programmes on the position of
women in agriculture is obvious. </p>
<p>Rural development programmes should continue to stress on expanding opportunities
for increasing the sources of off-farm incomes through rural small-scale industry.
The promotion of income-generating activities is a priority question in the
longer-term adjustment programmes and policies of the Government. </p>
<p>A community-oriented approach would also complement the policy adjustments
needed to cater to the needs of this segment of female labour. The fuller utilisation
of female labour time will enhance family incomes. Dual income families are
the norm, rather than an exception, these days. </p>
<p>Clearly, the Government’s commitment to longer-term economic restructuring
will likely continue to affect different segments of the female population in
Malaysia. </p>
<p>Hence, there is a need to insist on continued and greater sensitivity to the
potential consequences economic policies may have on women in this country.
Increased women’s participation at the decision-making level is certainly
essential to the empowerment of women today. </p>
<p>· <i>The writer is research fellow with the Malaysian Institute of Economic
Research </i>
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